Trump tariffs backlash is intensifying among factory workers who say rising import costs have shuttered plants and erased jobs, complicating Republican hopes in the midterms.
In Michigan, longtime Republican voter Nelson Vandermeer said he stopped backing former President Donald Trump over concerns tariffs would harm workers. Last year, the 62-year-old lost his product designer job at Howard Miller, a Zeeland clockmaker that depended on imported components. The company closed its factory after a century in business, sold its inventory and brand, and laid off nearly 200 people. “So much for bringing jobs back,” Vandermeer said, adding he plans to vote straight Democrat next month.
Republicans are already navigating voter frustration tied to an unpopular war with Iran and persistent inflation. Now they face renewed criticism of tariffs Trump cast as central to reviving American manufacturing. While manufacturing employment has grown this year, the sector still has fewer workers than when Trump returned to the White House in January 2025, undercutting claims of a broad jobs surge.
The White House pushed back, with spokeswoman Taylor Rogers pointing to gains in manufacturing output and an uptick in nonresidential construction trades. “Factory construction jobs of today mean more manufacturing jobs down the road once those factories come online,” she said.
Howard Miller had already diversified as demand waned for high-end grandfather and mantel clocks, adding bar carts, cabinets and consoles. Those products also relied on foreign-made glass and other parts, leaving the company exposed to higher costs. “I could still have a job, but now I don’t because of tariffs,” Vandermeer said.
Vandermeer lives in Michigan’s 4th Congressional District, represented by Republican Bill Huizenga, who is seeking a ninth term in the Nov. 3 election. Huizenga backed Trump’s broader tariff rollout last year, declared by the president as “Liberation Day.” “Is it going to be easy? Not necessarily. Is it the right thing to do? Absolutely it is,” he said at the time. A spokesperson said Huizenga sees a role for tariffs in bolstering domestic manufacturing while acknowledging their wider economic effects. His Democratic challenger, state Sen. Sean McCann, has criticized Huizenga for opposing efforts to curb tariffs imposed unilaterally by Trump.
Similar political dynamics are unfolding in battlegrounds across Kansas, Iowa and Ohio, where layoffs, farm foreclosures and higher prices threaten GOP standing. In Iowa, voter Tracy Chew, 55, supported Trump in 2016, then backed Democrats Joe Biden in 2020 and Kamala Harris in 2024. She lost her job at a Case backhoe plant in Burlington after the company announced a closure before the tariffs, followed by job losses for her daughter, husband and son-in-law. Chew is leaning Democratic again, saying “tariffs are not targeting the right companies, the right amount.”
Job cuts have mounted elsewhere in Iowa. Winnebago Industries trimmed 200 positions last year as aluminum, steel and electronics costs jumped by tens of millions of dollars. “It’s a day to day battle,” CEO Michael Happe said.
In a tight Iowa U.S. Senate race, Republican U.S. Rep. Ashley Hinson faces Democratic state Rep. Josh Turek. Kansas is also competitive, where Democrat Adam Hamilton, pastor of the nation’s largest United Methodist Church, is challenging Republican Sen. Roger Marshall. In Wichita, Vornado Air CEO Cole Hoppock said tariffs “impacted virtually everything.” The appliance maker, known for retro fans, cut more than 70 factory jobs in February due to pricier imported parts.
Another Kansas employer, Canadian jet maker Bombardier, could face reductions tied to Trump’s trade stance. He has threatened to ban U.S. sales if Bombardier does not build all its planes domestically. The company says it buys parts from 2,800 suppliers in 47 states and employs more than 1,000 people in Kansas.
Trump has long argued the U.S. is exploited by trading partners, a claim most economists dispute. They warn that broad, universal tariffs can inflict more economic damage than benefits. Public sentiment has shifted as well. An AP-NORC poll in September found only about three in ten adults approve of Trump’s handling of trade negotiations, down from four in ten in March.
Some tariff moves have been uneven. Trump targeted Brazil over political disagreements and ratcheted up China duties to levels that risked recession before partially retreating. In February, the Supreme Court ruled against his emergency declaration underpinning last year’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, adding uncertainty as the administration continues to recalibrate with new levies and threats.
Tariffs are not the sole driver of manufacturing losses, and factories have shed workers for decades due to multiple pressures. Even some Republicans who criticize execution still back the party. Bicycle Corp. of America closed a South Carolina factory last year, citing rising costs for imported parts. Retiree Koby Bird said he supports tariffs in principle but was frustrated by frequent shifts that made planning difficult. He still expects to vote Republican, including for U.S. Sen. Darline Graham, arguing Democrats would overspend on the wrong priorities.
Ernie Goss, an economist at Creighton University, said manufacturing strains might not translate to Democratic wins, noting some voters believe tariffs will pay off in the long run.
In Pennsylvania, where several factories have announced layoffs, union leader Wendell Young said worker sentiment has turned. After Post Holdings moved to cut 160 jobs at a Bloomsburg pet food plant, his email linking the decision to tariffs drew a wave of pushback from employees, including one who wrote, “Keep politics out of this. President Trump isn’t the reason.” Even so, Young, who leads UFCW Local 1776, said, “Some of these people are red Republicans and they are shocked. They expected more jobs.”
Post later reduced headcount through severance, but lower output rippled through suppliers. Trivium Packaging, a local can maker, announced cuts as orders from Post and others fell, according to the union. Former Trivium worker Heather Kingston said she left for another job before layoffs while her husband remains at the plant. “I understand the mindset behind tariffs, but I just don’t know if it’s working,” she said, adding that few new manufacturing jobs seem to be arriving in the area. Kingston previously voted for Republican Dan Meuser in Pennsylvania’s 9th District but is undecided this year. While Meuser’s seat is considered safe, nearby races in the 7th and 8th districts remain competitive.
Trump tariffs backlash reshapes local races
As the midterms near, Republicans are contending with the political cost of tariffs in factory hubs across the Midwest and beyond, where layoffs and higher prices have sharpened voter scrutiny of Trump’s trade strategy.
Some economists have noted that the current trade approach echoes aspects of earlier protectionist waves and industrial strategies used in other regions. Analysts who study how the politics of tariffs after Trump reshape party lines say that these shifts are beginning to reorder voter coalitions.
The backlash over tariffs has also drawn attention from international manufacturers and foreign governments. Canada-based jet maker Bombardier, for example, maintains a significant U.S. footprint and outlines its supplier network and workforce on its official Bombardier site as it responds to changing U.S. trade policy.
As the debate continues, voters across manufacturing regions are weighing tariff impacts alongside broader economic concerns. Ongoing polling by organizations such as the nonpartisan AP-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research suggests opinions on Trump’s trade negotiations may remain volatile heading into Election Day.
